Just Above Sunset
August 1, 2004 - The Really Dismal Science and the Damned Invisible Hand
|
|||||
David Rothkopf was deputy
undersecretary of Commerce for international trade policy during the Clinton administration.
So, in the Washington Post - the newspaper the “got” Nixon when, really, what had he does that was
so very bad? - you would expect Rothkopf to write a doom and gloom column on the economy.
And he does. Last month, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development released figures showing
that last year for the first time, China supplanted the United States as the No. 1 destination for foreign direct investment
worldwide -- that is, money that goes into factories, equipment, real estate or existing companies. And in a blow to fans
of "freedom fries," No. 2 was France. Though other major economies also suffered a drop-off in this category, no nation fell
as far in percentage terms as the United States. Oh my! France? Not France! Of course, Media Matters
found no evidence that a Paris Business Review even existed, and it seems France's export business with us actually
increased during the run-up to the Iraq war. But it should have been true.
While such numbers fluctuate and foreign direct investment is just one type of capital flow, this
dramatic swing can be seen as further evidence that in the 21st century, America is going to have to fight hard for its piece
of the global investment pie - money that translates directly into new jobs and the industries of tomorrow. Clearly, the world
economy is shifting around us and our place atop it is being challenged. Yeah, like we need more
to worry about, David. Investment flows into emerging economies grew dramatically between 2002 and 2003, with investors
pumping more than six times as much into developing markets as they did in the prior year -- nearly $200 billion. OECD analysts
concluded that the primary reason for this redirection of capital was not simply that countries like China offer cheap labor;
rather it was the size and promise of their markets. This is a big deal, because even when low wages in these countries go
up, that will mean increased buying power -- so the attractive labor markets of today will gradually become the attractive
consumer markets of tomorrow. But everyone likes
lower taxes (well, normal people earning over four hundred thousand a year), and putting off payments with deficit spending
is, well, so convenient. Let's start with the biggest domestic economic
problems. Almost any one of them is a greater threat to the economy than virtually any imaginable form of terrorism. There
is the record-breaking budget deficit that is likely to amount to $5 trillion over the next decade. Then there's the burgeoning
trade deficit. And the $72 trillion in unfunded future retirement and health care obligations to our own citizens. And a record
low savings rate, which suggests that we will need even more help with retirement funding. And the hemorrhaging of manufacturing
jobs and the cost of fixing our dysfunctional health care and energy systems. Every one of these is a gigantic problem on
its own. Taken together, they represent a series of bombs placed at the foundations of our society, and they are capable of
exploding in ways that would touch more Americans than anything even the most sophisticated terrorists could devise. Damn. Gloom and doom! Economics is the dismal science.
Let's move on to the global economic threats. One, as I've said, is the erosion of American economic
leadership and consequent disaffection of important classes of international investors. Another is our dependence on those
investors, and still another is our addiction to foreign oil. Even more important is the growing tension between developed
and emerging nations, as a billion new workers from the emerging world compete for their place in the global economy. Emerging
economies depend on change. Advanced markets are comforted by the status quo. This is the bipolar reality that has replaced
that of the Cold War. Well, that’s cheery.
The United States has no such formal strategy, nor any systematic process for devising one, and
this is a mistake. There's little point in producing a National Security Strategy every year if we ignore the wellsprings
of that security -- the economic might that underlies our military strength, our political clout and our internal stability.
Dream on. Ain’t gonna happen. |
||||
This issue updated and published on...
Paris readers add nine hours....
|
||||